What hell is the political life. Observe that ministerial team: every minister is grappling with extremely difficult portfolios without the means to do what they understand is needed.
What they were handed was more disastrous than expected: they were left with traps, misleading obstacles and gaping holes. The EU departure is showing itself as more financially damaging than foreseen, currently costing the exchequer £80bn each year.
They are blighted by bad luck: the Trump presidency coincided with their watch. What greater disaster than a corrections official releasing a denied migrant sex offender? Small boat arrivals feel relentless.
An ill-advised leadership contest at this moment was destined to give the Prime Minister a bruising. The eleven percent support at the Caerphilly Senedd by-election might not even be their nadir.
They prepare for criticism, but they're only human. As often, the Health Secretary courageously expresses what all can see: that we're experiencing "deep disillusionment in this country at the moment" and "a growing sense of despair about whether anyone is capable of turning this country round".
However, despite this, the current vitriolic state of public opinion is confusing and concerning. The Prime Minister is the most unpopular prime minister in history. Truly?
He embodies a honorable, committed person of noble purposes, without undue arrogance or ego. Measure this against the Conservative leader, the brief Conservative leader, or the casual assumption of the former Conservative leader, each achieving minimal to warrant arrogant assurance.
But, say the people, Starmer is worse. In his leadership role, he's short on charisma, according to critics: more importantly, he is missing political agility, innovative approaches or instinct for public sentiment.
Labour blundered regarding reductions to pensioners and disabled people, offset by spending increases in other areas. Uncertain which voters to appeal to, the party has left good policies unpromoted, including employment protections to sustainable development, housing projects and employment assurances for young people.
Too many senior advisors persist in thinking right-wing constituencies requires courting, when nearly double the number of citizens have leaned liberal since Labour took office. Survey specialist John Curtice advises the party to abandon courting Reform voters: they've departed.
Labour's leader is struggling; there's no denying it when surveys indicate no leader could ever return from these unplumbed depths.
Yet, during unknown circumstances of such extreme volatility, conventional wisdom could prove irrelevant. The Prime Minister rescued Labour from the aftermath of the previous leadership slough of despond that c conventional wisdom suggested couldn't be reversed in four years.
Might a different politician do better, or are we experiencing a near-ungovernable, never-content citizenry? Any government may be rejected just as rapidly after taking office, regardless of electoral margin, only if it appears bearing quick fixes bearing untold bounty for stricken public services and empty private purses.
Expectedly, panic on the back benches will make discussion about replacing the leader widespread if the spring local elections go as badly as predicted – or, various commentators argue, sooner.
Here's ministers' paradox: The government's best chance resides in hopelessness. Accept they might be wiped out whatever, so employ their parliamentary advantage for the full parliament to implement their genuine social democratic instinct: implement substantial tax changes, generating substantial revenue.
Prepare for opposition subsequent votes, so implement all policies immediately. Forget opinion polls and voter research; enable the public to witness sincerity in their purpose. The sole method to regain public trust is to execute clearly what they believe most right and fair.
The Chancellor rightly calls Reform "the primary risk" to our way of life. As the Tories largely align with Reform, a voting agreement of some kind threatens.
The party's obligation is to do whatever it takes to block this outcome. Plan for partnerships, remain palatable for like-minded parties when the name of the party matters less than the essential limit against a political danger unseen in contemporary politics.
This represents a mission to defeat discouragement.
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